DES KEENAN'S BOOKS ON IRISH HISTORY online version |
Pre-Famine Ireland LINKS TO INDIVIDUAL CHAPTERS CLICK PRE-FAMINE TO RETURN TO BOOK LIST; CLICK HOME PAGE TO RETURN TO HOME PAGE Pre-Famine
Structure and Values of Irish SocietySummary of chapter. This chapter describes the general social structure of Irish society early in the nineteenth century and the prevailing beliefs and values. In later chapters, the economy, the political structures, and aspects of society like religion or education are dealt with. ********************************************************************************************* Irish
society at the beginning of the nineteenth century was in many ways homogeneous
with a common acceptance of values. It was also largely homogeneous with regard
to population. As in other parts of The
people, for the most part, were not backward. It
was largely a rural, but not a peasant society, a hierarchical aristocratic
society with various grades from noblemen to landless cottiers. The traditional
picture of a wealthy aristocracy ruling an undifferentiated mass of
impoverished peasants was far from accurate. There was a certain division with
regard to religion, but there was no rigid exclusion of people born Catholics
because there was no bar on joining the A
person's position in the society was determined partly by his family origins
and titles, partly by the amount of land he owned, and partly by his income. In
general, noblemen had the most land and consequently the largest incomes, but many
landed families were deeply in debt a situation was not peculiar to There
were two main points of division on the social scale. The first was between
those who were counted as 'gentlemen' and those who were not. (The aristocracy
for these purposes were gentlemen with a patent of nobility). The other was between those who had a holding
or tenancy of land and those who had not.
Noblemen
had exactly the same origins, ranks, and rules of precedence as English lords
and on official occasions in There
was no exact definition of a gentleman. A gentleman originally belonged to a
family with the hereditary right to bear arms, and which held land from the
king under the obligation of supporting the king in battle. A gentleman did no
manual work, nor did he engage in trade. He should have an independent income
from land to the value of at least £200 a year. The younger sons of noblemen
might be virtually penniless but were undoubtedly gentlemen.
Professional
people like barristers, doctors, and ships' surgeons were definitely gentlemen,
but then those with a university education mostly came from gentle families.
Clergymen of the Established Church were gentlemen, but there was some doubt
about the clergy of other denominations. But by the middle of the nineteenth
century the Catholic clergy were accepted as gentlemen because they could read
Latin, i.e. they were in a gentle profession. One was a gentleman if one was
accepted as such by other gentlemen. A crucial test was whether a challenge to
fight a duel would be accepted. Those engaged in trade, even if they were rich
and had extensive holdings of land, were not gentlemen. Apothecaries could read
Latin, but were in trade. (The gentlemen in The
gentlemen were the rulers of the country. They were elected to Parliament and
formed the committees of canvassers who decided who might be a candidate. They
formed the Grand Juries of counties and from their ranks came the county
officers, the sheriffs, magistrates, military and revenue officers, civil
servants, indeed anyone in a position of authority. They formed the 'gentle' or
ruling class. They filled the middle offices of state. Their children formed
the bulk of the pupils in the grammar schools and undergraduates in the
university. They filled the gentle professions, medicine, the law, the
Established Church, and the press. Catholic gentlemen up to 1829 supported the
Whigs, and for the most part after Emancipation supported the Whigs in
Parliament and accepted public offices. In
most of To
this group belonged those referred to as shoneens, buckeens, or half-sirs.
There is little point in trying to establish precise distinctions between
these. The income from their holdings might be between £100 and £500 a year.
They did no work, always kept a horse for riding, and spent most of their time
hunting and shooting. Their farms were either sublet or were cultivated by
hired workmen. They were famous for taking over the organisation of elections
and making themselves useful to the Government and the local gentlemen. These
were expected to reward them with appointments to minor public offices of
remuneration, and in general they filled the lowest public offices of the
supervisory grade. O’Connell estimated that there were about 10,000 such jobs
that were filled through the patronage of those in the higher offices. The
real struggle between O’Connell's supporters on the one side and the Whigs and
Tories on the other concerned these public positions. The aim was to displace
the shoneens from these minor positions for the Catholic lower middle classes
were prevented by social position, lack of education, and lack of wealth, and
lack of patrons, from aspiring to the higher offices. Repeal meant jobs for
O’Connell's supporters, and it was precisely these jobs they aspired to. The
Protestant shoneens, who themselves could not aspire any higher, had no
intention of given up this source of income. It
should be noted that there were complaints made from time to time that persons
who were not strictly gentlemen were made magistrates, and that into the ranks
of the yeomanry were admitted such as would be counted lesser tenants in In some places, especially in the far west and south, subdivision of holdings among the tenants had proceeded so far that there was a mass of sub-tenants on tiny holdings and few others except the head-tenant, the so-called 'middleman'. The
vast bulk of the people did not belong to any of these groups, and formed what
might be described as the working classes. The top rank in this group was held
by the small tenant farmers who held land on lease. Among these the first rank
was held by those farmers who had a free holding for a number of lives to a
value of at least 40/- a year clear of all charges. These were the
Forty-Shilling freeholders, who, if registered, could vote for members of
Parliament. They were expected to vote as their landlord directed, and
following the revolt of the freeholders at O’Connell's instigation, landowners
tended not to give leases for lives. An equal rank could be assigned to master
tradesmen, such as master weavers, master tailors, master carpenters, etc.
These might work if they had to, but in general left to most laborious work to
labourers or journeymen. Their incomes might not exceed £20 a year, but they
were their own masters. If they wished to take a day off to go to the fair or
the hunt, they asked permission of no one. For this reason the rank of tenant
farmer was excessively esteemed. From this flowed the intense competition for
land. Having a lease on a small farm had another advantage, namely, that it
conferred a security that hired labour did not have. The ratio of independent
tenant farmers, many with tiny holdings, to hired servants was much higher than
in Those
without a holding of land sufficient for their support, farm labourers,
servants, and journeymen had not the liberty of the independent farmers. They
could be employed permanently, or for a period of six months, by the day, or
until the completion of a particular task. They were also likely to have a
lease on a small patch of potato ground for additional income and as a safety
net. Spinning and weaving were widely practised in the 'cottage industries' and
probably many of those so engaged outside the towns had never served a formal
apprenticeship. It would seem that most of those who used violence to promote
their aims, members of the agrarian secret societies, the sectarian societies,
the trade combinations, and the United Irishmen (especially in Ulster) belonged
to this class. Societies of this class were strongly opposed not only by the
Government but by the middle classes, the clergy of all denominations, and the
O'Connellites. In many parts of
the West and South were crofters, or as they were known in It is clear that the condition of cottiers
renting small patches directly from a farmer in return for so many days labour
was very different from that of the cottier-sized holdings which resulted from
excessive sub-letting and sub-division. In the latter case the entire
population of a parish might be cottiers who would have to roam far and wide in
search of casual work. At
the very bottom of the social structure was the large class of the destitute
for which The
beliefs and values in Irish society, so far as we can ascertain, were very
homogeneous. Even Catholic leaders like
Archbishop MacHale and Daniel O’Connell who frequently attacked the Government
did so from a shared framework of beliefs and values. Religious
beliefs were the most important. The eighteenth century was not noted for the
fervour of its religious practice, but belief in one or other of the versions
of Christianity was deep and sincere. By the beginning of the nineteenth
century most educated people had some knowledge of the scepticism of the French
philosophers, but religious infidelity was virtually unheard of. The lack of religious fervour was matched by
religious tolerance. It was not religious bigotry that kept Catholics out of
public office but a belief in the need for an Established Church, an official
clergy, the recognition that the bishops were proper constitutional advisers of
the king, and that all the king's counsellors should be of the same religion as
the king. These beliefs were held as strongly by the Catholics as by the
Protestants, and central to MacHale's policy on Repeal was the belief that the
Catholic bishops should advise the crown in a Catholic country. (The idea of a
non-denominational society originated in the Politically,
all accepted the 'Whig Settlement' of 1688 which established the constitutional
relationship between king and people, and confirmed the right of the people to
the 'free institutions' of which they were so proud. These included a free
Parliament whose members could not be punished for opposing the king's wishes.
The freedom of the courts meant that judges could not be dismissed for giving
verdicts against the king's officers. There was freedom of speech and freedom
of assembly, freedom of worship, and freedom of the press. The people in Within
this general consensus there were divergences of opinion in The Whigs were the more aristocratic of the
two parties or factions, and were controlled by a closely-knit group of
aristocratic families. In The
Tories supported the 'royal prerogative', i, e. the undetermined residual
powers of the king. To put it another way they considered the king had power to
do anything not prohibited by the Constitution. The kings normally paid close
attention to what other kings were doing, and were inclined to involve
themselves in wars to protect However,
it must be stressed that these were only general tendencies and the practical
differences between the parties were slight, and very many gentlemen would
support a Prime Minister of either party if they agreed with his particular
views. Each Prime Minister had to seek support from the gentlemen in the middle,
and though he might not lose elections he could lose support in Parliament
(Roberts, Halevy, Gash). In The so-called
'Patriots' were Whigs who were most strongly opposed to the influence of the
crown. It is not clear if the usage of the word is pejorative or ironic as
often in the eighteenth century. Johnson quotes the meaning 'a factious
disturber of the Government' (see OED
for examples.) 'Patriots' or members of the 'Country Party' (as opposed to the
'Court Party') were not a formal group but the name was applied to those
politicians who were at any given time opposing the policies of the king's
Government either in Many
Tories also strongly believed in the need for an independent Irish Parliament,
and deprecated the appointment of Englishmen to posts in Many
Irish Tories belonged to the 'Ascendancy faction'. Historically, the word 'Ascendancy' was
applied to the political programme of the Irish Tories between 1793 and 1829
opposing further concessions to Catholics. They wished to see a 'Protestant
ascendancy' preserved by restricting the higher offices of state to
Protestants. But many Irish Tories
supported the Catholic claims. (The word is commonly used nowadays as a meaningless
term of political abuse.) The 'Patriots' strongly supported Catholic claims and
the 'Ascendancy faction' strongly opposed them, but both were minority groups.
The majority of Protestant MPs were prepared to consider the matter. Around
the year 1800 some officials in When
Catholics were admitted to Parliament in 1829 O’Connell began a campaign for a
repeal of the Act of Union, and his supporters became know as Repealers. The
Protestant 'Patriots' now largely became ardent defenders of the Two
attempts were made in the first half of the century to bridge the gap between
Repealers and Unionists. The first was made by an Ulster Protestant landlord
named William Sharman Crawford. He proposed a federal constitution for the The
second proposal came from a group of young idealistic writers connected with The Nation
newspaper, and commonly known by the name 'Young Ireland' by analogy with
Mazzini's 'Young Italy'. They pinned their hopes on persuading everyone in Nationalism
was developed by political theorists from the Romantic Movement, the literary
and artistic movement that exalted freedom of expression, freedom of the
individual, and the primacy of the emotions. They found the political theories
of Georg Hegel most consonant with their viewpoint. According to him human
society is divided naturally into different kinds of 'people' (Volk) like Germans, French and British.
Each Volk has its own peculiar Geist or Spirit. Each Geist must express itself in its own
peculiar laws and customs, and this requires a separate state (Reich) for each. A Volk that is subjected to a different Volk is by definition unfree. The different peoples were
distinguished by their different languages. An alternative word for Volk was Rasse (race). The influence of
German Romanticism came to From
nationalism came the use of the term 'Anglo-Irish' to describe their opponents.
Originally the term meant English-speakers resident in The
writers for The Nation did not
particularly wish to unite The
Irish Catholic clergy led by Archbishop MacHale from 1830 onwards were
determined that no such a secular view of Ireland, or secondary role for the
clergy, could be tolerated, and entered politics in increasing numbers to
promote a 'Catholic Ireland'. The result was that later in the century most
Protestants rejected nationalism while most Catholics adopted it. This largely
brought about the fusion of Catholic political mythology and nationalist
mythology. Other
political trends like Radicalism, Socialism (Owenism), and Chartism made little
headway in With
regard to the concept of 'Irishness' the theorising of Charles Vallencey and
his fellow antiquarians seems to have been widely followed. These theories
connected the origins of the Irish people with various famous peoples of
antiquity such as the Phoenicians and Egyptians. The general idea behind them
seems to have been to rebut English prejudices that the Irish were an
uncultured people from the woods by giving them a respectable origin. The Young
Ireland writers took these opinions seriously. The
views and aspirations described above were those of the literate classes, who
also exercised political influence. It is more difficult to establish what were the views of the illiterate people especially in
Gaelic-speaking areas. Conclusions must be tentative. It
seems likely that among both Protestant and Catholic working classes the
beliefs and attitudes of the earlier period of religious wars and controversies
persisted more strongly. Catholics for example remembered Cromwell, while
Protestants remembered the massacre of 1641. Tales of Jesuits, and the
Inquisition would have been widely spread among the Protestants. This should be
remembered when we consider the intense opposition O’Connell always inspired
among them. The prejudices could also be appealed to by the anti-popery
preachers of the Exeter Hall stamp. Among
the Catholics there developed a parallel belief or mythology concerning the
Penal Laws. At the beginning of the eighteenth century the Catholics had no
particular feelings of grievance with regard to them. Their leaders had staked
everything on a Jacobite victory and everybody knew that if the Catholics had
won a penal code would have been passed against the Protestants. Towards the
end of the eighteenth century the Catholic leaders (chiefly from the nobility)
were negotiating for mitigations of the Code and these were being gradually
conceded. But there arose a faction in the Catholic middle classes led by John
Keogh which was inspired by democratic principles and demanded votes for
Catholics and seats in Parliament as rights. Their views were closely akin to
the original views of the United Irishmen. The debacle of 1798, though it had
nothing to do with the Catholic leaders, set back the cause of emancipation for
a generation. The Ascendancy faction could always point to the undoubted
connection between Keogh and the rebels though Keogh was not a United Irishman
and took no part in the rebellion. O’Connell succeeded Keogh as the leader of
the intransigent faction, and he rejected all conciliation and was determined
to force the Government to concede what he regarded as a natural right. The
rhetoric of the eighteenth century orators against the Penal Code now began to
be taken literally. Catholic writers could speak of the 'long dark night of
persecution' during which the Catholics, with chains clanking at their heels
hardly dared to raise their heads (W.J. Fitzpatrick, Life of Dr. Doyle). Fr.
Tom Burke was to refer to a massacre of a thousand Dominicans, assuming the
Henry VIII killed them all. O’Connell could appeal to the Penal Code just as
the anti-popery preachers appealed to the Inquisition. Parallel
to the mythology of the Penal Code arose the mythology
of 'six hundred years of British misrule'. 'Misrule' was what politicians of
the opposite party did, but once again the rhetorical device came to be
believed literally. Though no historian, O’Connell wrote a 'history' of The members of the secret agrarian societies
were concerned with the memories of tenancies from which they or their
relatives had been evicted, and this was joined by association with the seizure
of lands of Catholic gentlemen during the wars of the seventeenth century.
Among the working classes too persisted the belief that violence offered the
best solution to all problems, a view strongly combated by the Catholic clergy
and middle class politicians. It seems too that beliefs and expectations among
the scarcely literate classes were more direct and less nuanced than among the
middle classes. For many of them, for example, Emancipation seems to have meant
overthrowing the Protestant establishment, giving the land and the jobs to
Catholics, and ending the payment of tithes. There is some evidence that in
1798 and again in the 1820's millennial expectations were rife among the
Catholic peasantry. Yet it should always be remembered that in 1798 far more
Catholic workers supported the Government than joined the rebels. It may that
around 1800 most of the ordinary workers had no particular views and just
followed their parish priest and their landlord as instructed. The idea that
they should concern themselves with affairs of state was a novel one. Among
the weavers in the North of Ireland principles of democracy inspired by the Some
further points about Irish society must be stressed. Despite the generous
measure of individual freedom allowed it remained true that anything not
expressly allowed was forbidden. Bodies like corporations of towns had to write
to the Government for permission for anything for which there was no clear
precedent. They could not, for example, from their own funds and resources,
build a hospital. Conversely, most legislation was permissive. The Government
would pass an Act allowing counties to construct hospitals should they ever
wish. The
second point is that most gentlemen of the period understood and appreciated
the works of Adam Smith who believed that the prosperity of a country was best
attained by removing Government restrictions. A few in With
regard to democracy some Radicals advocated a vote for each adult man, or at
least each householder. But most of the middle classes followed the views of
Aristotle more recently expounded by Edward Gibbon that in a pure democracy
those without property would simply vote to transfer the property to themselves
and all civil prosperity and stability would be destroyed. They felt that those
who actually paid the taxes should do the voting. Bearing this in mind the
extent of the franchise in Irish counties to include the 'Forty Shilling
freeholders' was quite extensive. The number of tradesmen who had a superfluity
of income of forty devalued shillings a year was probably not great in In
many ways Edmund Gibbon expressed the views of British and Irish gentlemen of
the early nineteenth century before the great revival of religion. He believed
in Christianity, and by that he meant Protestantism, in a general way, but was
sceptical about the value of religion for improving society. He admired the
large and tolerant views with regard to beliefs that he saw in many of the
Roman emperors. He recognised that though hereditary monarchy might not be
logical yet practical experience showed it was the best option available. Nevertheless
it behoved citizens to watch over their civil liberties and to be especially
wary of a standing army. A large empire inevitably leads to tyranny while the
division of |
------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------ Copyright Desmond J. Keenan, B.S.Sc.; Ph.D. ;.London, U.K.
|